samedi 1 mai 2010

Les dessous du retour à l'esprit de la guerre civile

Les débats autour des « crimes du franquisme » ouvert par le gouvernement et ses soutiens dans la gauche espagnole n'ont qu'un but électoraliste :


1) faire oublier la crise dans laquelle se trouve l'Espagne et qui résulte pour une bonne part des erreurs du président Gonzales et de sa crasse incompétence.


2) mobiliser en sa faveur toute la gauche médiatique (le syndicat du sourcil, en allusion à un slogan de la campagne socialiste aux précédentes élections) par une radicalisation idéologique.


Mais en choisissant cette voie, il récuse un des fondements du régime né en 1978, celui de la réconciliation de tous les Espagnols par l'oubli de tous les crimes commis avant, durant et après la guerre civile.


L'ancien patron du quotidien conservateur ABC, José Antonio Zarzalejos, vient de publier dans les colonnes du Confidencial un intéresant papier qui développe cette analyse.


Memoria histórica contra amnistía, la involución de la izquierda española


No voy a entrar en el llamado ya como caso Garzón que estimo es, como aquí se ha escrito, sólo una coartada para que determinada izquierda se inyecte en vena un antifranquismo redoblado como reconstituyente de una ideología extrema que camina hacia la postración cuando el país atraviesa por la situación económica y social más delicada de las últimas décadas. Pero sí entraré en la extraordinaria y burda manipulación que algunos sectores están practicando al hilo del encausamiento del magistrado-juez de instrucción de la Audiencia Nacional. Una manipulación sólo posible porque José Luis Rodríguez Zapateroabrió en 2007 con desacierto técnico y esterilidad política la llamada memoria histórica a través de una ley puramente declamatoria que articulaba algunas medidas que bien podían adoptarse mediante disposiciones meramente administrativas.


El ministro de Justicia ya ha anunciado que es conveniente modificar la tal ley a menos de tres años de su entrada en vigor. Pero, sea no una chapuza esa norma, que lo es y que a nadie satisface, ni a sus supuestos beneficiarios, el presidente ha encontrado en el pasado –mal debe estar de ideas y proyectos— una suerte de nueva ideología de depuración supuestamente democrática. Cuando no se ve el horizonte del futuro, se echa la vista atrás. Y eso es lo que está sucediéndole a determinada izquierda en España.

El preámbulo de la Constitución de 1978 fue la Ley de 15 de octubre de 1977 que amnistiaba “todos los actos de intencionalidad política, cualquiera fuese su resultado, tipificados como delitos y faltas realizados con anterioridad al 15 de diciembre de 1976”. Los delitos y faltas conexos con los principales quedaban igualmente amnistiados y “en todo caso” los “de rebelión y sedición”, también “la objeción de conciencia a la prestación del servicio militar por motivos religiosos o éticos”, así como los actos de “expresión de opinión” y, por fin, los delitos “que pudieran haber cometido las autoridades, funcionarios y agentes del orden público, con motivo u ocasión de la investigación y persecución de los actos incluidos en esta ley” y –concluye el artículo 2º de la ley— “los delitos cometidos por los funcionarios y agentes del orden público contra el ejercicio de los derechos de las personas”.

El resto de la ley se extiende en disposiciones que imponen la amnistía en todos los ámbitos y para todas las infracciones: laborales, sindicales y militares. Y ampara la más amplia rehabilitación y reintegración de los derechos conculcados, deja sin efecto las resoluciones judiciales y administrativas que vulneraron esos mismos derechos y entrega a los jueces la aplicación de la ley.O sea, la ley de 1977 fue reconciliatoria, presupuesto de la Constitución de 1978 y, en consecuencia, uno de los pilares de la democracia. Las cárceles quedaron vacías, la oposición antifranquista rehabilitada y todos los efectos jurídicos de las condenas anulados.

Treinta años después, la memoria histórica

De entonces a la ley de Memoria Histórica (26 de diciembre de 2007) transcurrieron treinta años –tres largas décadas— durante los cuales gobernó la izquierda –el PSOE de 1982 a 1996 y, de nuevo, de 2004 hasta el presente—, sin que nadie echase en falta, tras la amnistía, otra medida necesaria para conciliar la convivencia. Tuvo que ser Zapatero el que quiso encontrar en el franquismo o en las cesiones que hubieron de hacerse de forma recíproca en la Transición quien, con sutil revanchismo, removiese los posos de la tragedia.

La ley de la Memoria Histórica es una gesticulación del presidente que busca –y así lo dice la Exposición de Motivos— “fomentar” que no se olvide el franquismo. Y así lo hace condenándolo (artículo 2º), declarando la ilegitimidad de las sentencias y resoluciones de aquella época (artículo 3º) redundando sobre la propia ley de Amnistía, promoviendo una “declaración de reparación y reconocimiento personal” (artículo 4º) que, sin embargo, “no constituirá título para el reconocimiento de responsabilidad patrimonial del Estado, ni de cualquier Administración Pública, ni dará lugar o efecto a reparación o indemnización de índole económico o profesional”.

Tras actualizar determinadas prestaciones –del todo lógicas, por otra parte—, el artículo 11 y siguientes de la ley establece el sistema de “colaboración de las Administraciones Públicas con los particulares para la localización e identificación de las víctimas”. En definitiva: nada, o muy poco, que no pudiera disponerse mediante resoluciones administrativas. El efecto que se pretendía era político: remover los pilares de la Transición retroalimentando la “memoria histórica” y destruyendo el concepto de “memoria compartida” que inspiró la ley de Amnistía aprobada treinta años antes.

Revisar la Transición y ajustar cuentas con los ‘demo-franquistas’

Los resultados del desaguisado aquí están: banderas republicanas en ristre, el discurso memorialista se traduce en la deslegitimación de la propia democracia en la medida en que el Tribunal Supremo –con mayor o menor acierto— encausa a un juez que, considerando que durante el franquismo y, antes, durante la guerra, se perpetró un genocidio y crímenes contra la humanidad, que por su propia naturaleza no prescriben, inicia un camino jurisdiccional sin habilitación alguna para ello (sea esto o no prevaricación, lo dirá el Supremo), apelando a la jurisdicción universal. No se trata, en consecuencia, de la aplicación de la ley de Memoria Histórica lo que defiende esa izquierda que se ha lanzado a la calle y descalifica al TS, sino de tomar la ley como punto de apoyo para zarandear al sistema. Y reinventarse ella misma.

Esa izquierda, al parecer, además de olvidar las brutalidades que también se cometieron en el lado republicano, exige la revisión de la propia Transición y del mismísimo sistema. Y no admite ya a los que en esos ambientes comienza a denominarse como demo-franquistas que serían personajes tales como el recientemente fallecido Juan Antonio Samaranch, el ex presidente Suárez, Martin Villa, Manuel Fraga o el mismísimo Rey, todos ellos personalidades relevantes en el régimen de Franco, pero también decisivos en la llegada y consolidación de la democracia.

Poco les importa que muchos de los que reivindican esa justicia retroactiva -a la que podrían apelar miles y miles de familias de ‘paseados’, recluidos en las checas madrileñas, fusilados y torturados en distintos periodos de la II República y luego durante la contienda civil— fuesen funcionarios que aplicaron su legalidad. Es el caso de fiscales ya jubilados a los que no se conoció indocilidad alguna; gente de las letras que escribió al dictado; actores que se hicieron populares en las postrimerías de la vida del dictador; empresarios que se enriquecieron antes de que el general expirase; catedráticos que elaboraron su obra y su prestigio en las herméticas universidades franquistas sin que les escuchara una queja o una reivindicación. Cuarenta años de franquismo dieron mucho juego hasta para la farsa y la hipocresía de los nuevos antifranquistas, de los “demócratas de toda la vida”.

Zapatero, más Largo Caballero que Julián Besteiro

Ahora que se recuerda a Pablo Iglesias, padre del PSOE, un hombre cabal, quizás la referencia de nuestro presidente del Gobierno –muy lejano a la encarnadura moral y política de Julián Besteiro— sea la de Largo Caballero. Y eso es como para echarse a temblar. Y si creen que exagero, lean atentamente el manifiesto que el sábado pasado leyó Pedro Almodóvar bajo el título “En solidaridad con las víctimas”. Dice entre otras cosas que el caso Garzón “nos devuelve a la noche oscura de los asesinatos” y que el Estado “después de treinta y cinco años de la desaparición del dictador, sigue acusando los efectos del terror indiscriminado al que Francisco Franco recurrió para tiranizar a los españoles (…)”. No hacen falta más comentarios: regreso al pasado…quizá porque el futuro se le escapa a la izquierda y lo comienza a ganar la derecha a la que el radicalismo revisionista le convierte en la opción más sólida y sosegada para restablecer las condiciones políticas, económicas y sociales de un país que no podría resistir cuatro más de zapaterismo.

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