Affichage des articles dont le libellé est The Telegraph. Afficher tous les articles
Affichage des articles dont le libellé est The Telegraph. Afficher tous les articles

mercredi 12 mai 2010

Robin des Bois revu et corrigé




Dans le débat qui nous occupe sur la véracité historique et la liberté créative accordée au narrateur, voici un bel exemple d'imagination au travail : celui du cinéaste Ridley Scott revisitant le mythe de Robin des Bois pour qu'il colle avec les besoins d'un film à grand spectacle.



L'entraînement des acteurs au tir à l'arc.

Dans son scénario, Ridley Scott malmène l'Histoire jusqu'à un point limite mais il reste dans les clous de la vraisemblance. L'idée à la base du film est simple et efficace : un archer anglais assiste à la mort du roi Richard Cœur de Lion et à la suite d'un concours de circonstances revient au pays sous l'identité d'un aristocrate.

Ce tour de passe-passe rend possible la suite du scénario aux multiples rebondissements dont un débarquement du roi de France qui se termine comme de bien entendu par un désastre pour l'envahisseur. Rien de tel qu'un peu de francophobie pour plaire au populo rosbif.

Dans cet article du Guardian, Andrew Pulver décortique le scénario avec beaucoup d'intelligence.

Robin Hood

Ridley Scott's reworked tale of dispossession and rebellion cleverly reconciles disparate threads of the Robin Hood myth

The Cannes film festival has picked the most rousing possible opener with this new cinema treatment of the Robin Hood legend. Gladiator may be 10 years ago now, but director Ridley Scott has had his persistent faith in Russell Crowe amply rewarded; Crowe may be puffier of face, hoarser of voice and done rather too much confrontational living in public, but he still has exactly the right kind of leading-man steel to make this ambitious, serious and unashamedly populist epic work.

With so many variants of the story already filmed, Scott and his screenwriter, Brian Helgeland, have gone for what, if this was a superhero film, would be called an origin myth: it finishes at pretty much the point most tellings of the tale start. Scott's Robin Hood is not a story of derring-do in Sherwood Forest, nor is it of merry chaps in Lincoln green outsmarting the vile sheriff of Nottingham; it's a story of dispossession and rebellion that manages to cleverly link together most of the seemingly irreconcilable elements of the Hood myth, and wrap it all up in a warm, fuzzy ball of pro-democratic class consciousness.

Things get under way as Richard the Lionheart is killed while besieging a French castle, supposedly heading home to England from the crusades.

Among his army is one Robin Longstride (Crowe), a common archer who by various flukes too numerous to mention ends up in possession of the dead king's crown as well as the identity of one of Richard's most trusted retainers, Robert of Loxley, also dead. (This allows the Hood character to both partake in the aristocratic mien of a figure required to direct military operations, and also to retain a little peasant-class credibility, so necessary for that steal-from-the-rich thing he has going.)

Longstride/Loxley fakes his way back to England, is present at the coronation of Richard's weaselly brother John, then heads north to present Loxley's sword to his father, honouring the dead man's last wish. And here's the clever bit: Loxley senior suggests himself the same deception, that Longstride should pass for Loxley, even to the extent of occupying the same bedchamber as Robert's wife, Marian (Cate Blanchett).

The scene is then set for a broad, sweeping, fiendishly complicated narrative, in which Longstride must fend off the depredations of vicious skinhead Mark Strong (playing someone called Godfrey, who is both toady to King John and treasonous conspirator against him), deliver a stirring speech promoting a Magna Carta-type charter of liberties, see off an invasion attempt by the king of France, and rescue Marian from near-certain death in the surf.

It isn't till it's all over that you realise that the sheriff of Nottingham is only a footnote, reduced to a couple of buffoonish walk-on lines.

Scott orchestrates the sound and fury with a seemingly effortless bravura: unfussily pulling off a profusion of tremendous action scenes and really quite impressive period backdrops (including one CGI panorama of medieval London that looks like a Wenceslaus Hollar engraving come to life).

Only once does the strain show: the invading French turn up on the English coast in a sequence rather obviously lifted from Saving Private Ryan, even down to the carnage in the water. (It's as if Scott is saying: anything you can do, Spielberg …)

Scott is also well served by some terrific performances: particularly Blanchett, who takes advantage of a beefed-up Marian role to really burn up the screen.

Whether this will quite do the same for Crowe as Gladiator remains to be seen; it's hard for a film that is painted in such sombre browns and dull greens to be especially inspirational. But there's no doubting the strength and excellence of the film-making on display.

This is strong stuff.

Robin Hood opens the Cannes film festival tomorrow and goes on release in the UK tomorrow.


J'aime aussi l'article de Tim Robey dans les colonnes du Telegraph, plus historique et mettant davantage en valeur le volet francophobe du film.

Robin Hood: a gladiator riding through the glen

Ridley Scott's blood-and-guts adventure with Russell Crowe as the medieval hero echoes their great Roman epic.

Storytellers can do what they like with Robin Hood, one of the most chameleon-like figures English folklore has ever produced. Rebellious yeoman or wronged aristocrat? He’s been both, in and out of tights, for a good eight centuries.

t’s not surprising that Ridley Scott and Russell Crowe, aiming to decant the gritty machismo of Gladiator into a medieval flagon, don their best poker faces and ditch the hosiery. No hearty thigh-slapping here: they take their Robin Hood – born Robin Longstride, and employed, when we begin, as a crack-shot archer in the crusading army of Richard I – quite seriously. Too seriously? I wonder. But when a hero has already been cut to size by an all-singing, all-dancing Mel Brooks spoof, there’s something to be said for brooding revisionism.

The setting for their very Gladiator-ish prologue is France in 1199, thereby lining up an entire nation of hissable stock villains, as Richard’s army pillages its way back, siege by siege, from the Holy Land. We get one of these sieges, and it’s the propulsive, excitingly shot highlight of a film that rations its blood-and-thunder set pieces. In a way, this is both a sequel and a prequel – the story directly follows on from Scott’s botched Crusades epic Kingdom of Heaven as surely as it’s positing, Batman Begins-style, the origins of Crowe’s semi-mythical, Northern-accented outlaw. The familiar legend begins as the film ends.

Robin, a close cousin of Crowe’s Roman warrior in both script and performance, fast establishes himself as an ahead-of-his-time Republican, clapped in the stocks for criticising the savage methods of his King (an out-of-place Danny Huston, whose curly wig is more Cowardly Lion than Richard the Lionheart).

No matter: in a flurry of French arrows, Richard is shot dead, and the task of returning his crown to England falls to his lieutenant, Sir Robert Locksley (Douglas Hodge), at least until he, too, falls at a schemer’s blade. This man is Robin’s nemesis, the entirely malign if only vaguely motivated Sir Godfrey, in which role Mark Strong furthers his bid to be the most ubiquitous baddie in current cinema.

Grazing this escaping rascal’s neck with a rare stray barb, Robin smuggles his way back to England as a knight-impostor, intending to restore both the crown and Locksley’s sword to their rightful owners. These are, respectively, heir apparent John (Oscar Isaac, whose best moment is being crowd-pleasingly slapped by Eileen Atkins’s Eleanor of Aquitaine) and Locksley’s father (a touching Max von Sydow, who gets a nice joke about being tumescent at 84).

It’s a busy first act, bristling with high-level constitutional intrigue, and screenwriter Brian Helgeland does a manful job disguising two things: how overegged it all is, and how little it really does to acquaint us with the hero we’re meant to be rooting for. Crowe’s stern authority does count for something, but Robin’s only real bursts of invective are against killing Muslims and high taxation – if anything, it sounds like the Lib Dems might have taken him aside.

The film settles down into an amiable mid-section when Robin reaches Nottingham, reporting Locksley’s death to both his father and wife, and leaving the rather nondescript Merry Men – fellow army deserters, here – to over-imbibe mead and cavort with the local tarts.

Cate Blanchett’s Marion, busy milking a cow when Robin brings her the news, presents a brave face and formidable cheekbones: in her bedchamber, when she threatens to sever Robin’s manhood if he so much as touches her, you well believe it.
Although Blanchett never warms up enough to the prospect of their budding romance, I did envy Crowe his ingenious opening gambit: “I’ll need some help with the chainmail.” Try that when you’re online dating.

By the time Godfrey has mobilised French troops to land in a sweeping beach invasion, Blanchett feels more in her element, riding up fierce and vengeful in a suit of armour, a poster-maid for the film’s general and lumbering move towards an all-out, pitched-battle finale. We know how well Scott can mount these, but they do feel a little third-hand by now: Crowe emboldens his comrades by crying “Liberty! Liberty by law!”, and we’re suddenly awfully close to Braveheart territory – uh-oh.
Nothing here is as entertaining as the swordfight up the steps in Michael Curtiz’s famous 1938 film, or Alan Rickman’s withering Sheriff of Nottingham – certainly not Matthew Macfadyen’s token take on the same character.

What saves the movie, which is quite flawed but still Scott’s best in nearly a decade, is its majestic feel for the English landscape. It’s a pity we don’t spend more time actually in Sherwood Forest as opposed to hovering picturesquely over it, but you’d have to be small of soul not to admire some of the ravishing visuals here – there’s a shot of a silvery, uninhabited Thames estuary I could have looked at for hours. Scott’s regular cinematographer John Mathieson has clearly been studying his Constable – his hay-bales and twilit fields are gorgeous.

As an extra plus, the animated end credits, with their blurry pastel effect, are so rousing and superb they should have stuck them up front.

lundi 3 mai 2010

Un bien triste jour pour la liberté d'expression en Europe



Le pasteur baptiste Elder Scott devant son temple. Nous conseillons vivement à ce gibier de potence de ne pas se rendre en Angleterre y prêcher la bonne parole. Il risque de se retrouver derrière les barreaux. Une photo de Schmoe Scott.

La France est un des pays développés où la liberté d'expression est la plus restreinte. Non seulement par la pression sociale ou le terrorisme intellectuel, mais tout simplement par la loi. Dans ce beau pays, le simple fait d'exprimer publiquement des opinions peut conduire directement à la case prison. Les récentes expériences vécues par le journaliste Eric Zemmour en témoignent.

Pourtant, un article du Telegraph de ce matin nous prouve que nos voisins anglais nous suivent de très près quand ils ne nous précèdent pas d'une tête.

Dale McAlpine, prêcheur baptiste faisant du proslytisme sur la voie publique a été arrêté par la police pour avoir mentionné à une passante que l'homosexualité est un péché.

Après avoir entendu que la Bible liste l'homosexualité parmi les conduites répréhensibles, la passante s'est empressée de rejoindre un policier qui par hasard se trouve être homosexuel et agent de liaison entre la police et les communautés gaies, lesbiennes, bisexuelles et transexuelles.

L'agent de police au titre du quota a interpellé à son tour le prédicateur et appelé des renforts lesquels ont arêté et inculpé le baptiste pour atteinte à l'ordre public.

Je suis enclin à penser que ce courageux paladin des communautés gaies, lesbiennes, bisexuelles et transexuelles se serait bien gardé d'intervenir si au lieu d'être baptiste, le prédicateur avait été musulman.


Christian preacher arrested for saying homosexuality is a sin

A Christian street preacher was arrested and locked in a cell for telling a passer-by that homosexuality is a sin in the eyes of God.


Dale McAlpine was charged with causing “harassment, alarm or distress” after a homosexual police community support officer (PCSO) overheard him reciting a number of “sins” referred to in the Bible, including blasphemy, drunkenness and same sex relationships.

The 42-year-old Baptist, who has preached Christianity in Wokington, Cumbria for years, said he did not mention homosexuality while delivering a sermon from the top of a stepladder, but admitted telling a passing shopper that he believed it went against the word of God.

Police officers are alleging that he made the remark in a voice loud enough to be overheard by others and have charged him with using abusive or insulting language, contrary to the Public Order Act.
Mr McAlpine, who was taken to the police station in the back of a marked van and locked in a cell for seven hours on April 20, said the incident was among the worst experiences of his life.
“I felt deeply shocked and humiliated that I had been arrested in my own town and treated like a common criminal in front of people I know," he said.
“My freedom was taken away on the hearsay of someone who disliked what I said, and I was charged under a law that doesn't apply.”
Christian campaigners have expressed alarm that the Public Order Act, introduced in 1986 to tackle violent rioters and football hooligans, is being used to curb religious free speech.
Sam Webster, a solicitor-advocate for the Christian Institute, which is supporting Mr McAlpine, said it is not a crime to express the belief that homosexual conduct is a sin.
“The police have a duty to maintain public order but they also have a duty to defend the lawful free speech of citizens,” he said.

Sam Adams, le policier qui a fait arrêter le prêcheur baptiste. Plus de détails dans un article du Daily Mail.

“Case law has ruled that the orthodox Christian belief that homosexual conduct is sinful is a belief worthy of respect in a democratic society."
Mr McAlpine was handing out leaflets explaining the Ten Commandments or offering a “ticket to heaven” with a church colleague on April 20, when a woman came up and engaged him in a debate about his faith.
During the exchange, he says he quietly listed homosexuality among a number of sins referred to in 1 Corinthians, including blasphemy, fornication, adultery and drunkenness.
After the woman walked away, she was approached by a PCSO who spoke with her briefly and then walked over to Mr McAlpine and told him a complaint had been made, and that he could be arrested for using racist or homophobic language.
The street preacher said he told the PCSO: “I am not homophobic but sometimes I do say that the Bible says homosexuality is a crime against the Creator”.
He claims that the PCSO then said he was homosexual and identified himself as the Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual and Transgender liaison officer for Cumbria police. Mr McAlpine replied: “It’s still a sin.”
The preacher then began a 20 minute sermon, in which he says he mentioned drunkenness and adultery, but not homosexuality. Three regular uniformed police officers arrived during the address, arrested Mr McAlpine and put him in the back of a police van.
At the station, he was told to empty his pockets and his mobile telephone, belt and shoes were confiscated. Police took fingerprints, a palm print, a retina scan and a DNA swab.
He was later interviewed, charged under Sections 5 (1) and (6) of the Public Order Act and released on bail on the condition that he did not preach in public.
Mr McAlpine pleaded not guilty at a preliminary hearing on Friday at Wokingham magistrates court and is now awaiting a trial date.
The Public Order Act, which outlaws the unreasonable use of abusive language likely to cause distress, has been used to arrest religious people in a number of similar cases.
Harry Hammond, a pensioner, was convicted under Section 5 of the Act in 2002 for holding up a sign saying “Stop immorality. Stop Homosexuality. Stop Lesbianism. Jesus is Lord” while preaching in Bournemouth.
Stephen Green, a Christian campaigner, was arrested and charged in 2006 for handing out religious leaflets at a Gay Pride festival in Cardiff. The case against him was later dropped.
Cumbria police said last night that no one was available to comment on Mr McAlpine’s case.

vendredi 23 avril 2010

L'Angleterre et la guerre

Nous avons souvent écrit dans ces colonnes qu'un des grands perdants de la Seconde Guerre mondiale était le Royaume Uni mais à la différence de la France, de l'Allemagne ou de l'Italie, il ne le savait pas.

Voici quelques jours, la presse de caniveau britannique a ressorti de la naphtaline des déclarations du chef libéral Nick Clegg rappelant que cette illusion de grandeur avait coûté cher au Royaume Uni.

Seul contre tous, le journaliste conservateur (eurosceptique et francophobe) Ed West est venu au secours de Nick Clegg dans son blog du Telegraph.

I hate to say it, but Nick Clegg is right about the War

Horrified though I am at the prospect of seeing a Lib-Lab government in power – I’d threaten to emigrate but that would probably only make people want to vote for them more – I can’t see what exactly Nick Clegg has done wrong here.

In an article written in 2002 Nick Clegg described an incident where schoolboy friends of his, on an exchange visit to Germany, shouted at bemused Bavarians that “we own your country, we won the war”.

He then writes: “All nations have a cross to bear, and none more so than Germany with its memories of Nazism. But the British cross is more insidious still. A misplaced sense of superiority, sustained by delusions of grandeur and a tenacious obsession with the last war, is much harder to shake off.”

Well, he’s right, isn’t he? Almost nothing makes my heart sink more than the sight of English morons taunting the Germans about the war with Nazi salutes and lame Gestapo accents and even shouts of “two world wars, one world cup”. Britain lost about 1 per cent of its population during the Second World War – Germany almost 10 per cent. Another 12 million Germans were ethnically cleansed from their homeland, and Germany’s cities were totally flattened. And we call them humourless for not joining in and having a right old laugh about it all – Ha! Ha! Dresden, we got you there, Fritz!

But mocking someone about a conflict in which their grandfathers were probably killed and grandmothers raped is not only tasteless, it’s embarrassing.

England certainly does have an unhealthy obsession with the Second World World War, which in turn warps our attitude to Germany, which is why relatively so few English people visit the country (which is a shame. We visited Bavaria and the Black Forest in 2008 and couldn’t recommend it more – great weather, great beer, great people, much nicer than the French).
The English World War Two complex exists no doubt because we started that war as a great power and ended it a mediocre one, and have not recovered since, with the last 65 years being a series of humiliations, from Suez to Basra and that San Marino goal.

But the humiliation has been most keenly felt by the British industrial working class, whose sources of national identity began to provoke contempt just as their communities were being destroyed by town planners (who managed to do far more lasting damage than Goering) and their industrial strength sapped.

And these “delusions of grandeur” Clegg refers to are in part a reaction to the attitude of the establishment to which Clegg belongs – made up of people who essentially don’t believe in nations at all, and who regard patriotism to a country for its own sake, rather than for the progressive attitudes they pretend it embodies, as some weird throwback, like religion. It is this liberal-Left establishment that is the hardest “cross” for the British to bear.