Comment identifier un terroriste ?

Le candidat à la candidature républicaine au Congrès Dan Fanelli a trouvé un moyen très efficace de se distinguer des autres candidats républicains, il explique dans cette courte publicité télévisée comment identifier un terroriste.

Il est fort probable que son sens de l'humour ne sera guère apprécié par les ligues de vertu et les journalistes bien comme il faut, mais les Américains ordinaires qui sont exaspérés par les contrôles aux aéroports entendront son message cinq sur cinq.

GOP House candidate runs TV ad calling for racial profiling

You absolutely have to see this TV ad that a House GOP candidate hoping to take on Dem Rep. Alan Grayson (D) has run in Florida. It not only supports racial profiling, but urges it as a matter of policy -- and even suggests explicitly that darker people are more likely to be terrorists.

In an interview, the candidate, Naval and airline pilot Dan Fanelli, insisted that the spot wasn't meant to suggest that those with darker skin are more inclined towards terror. Watch the spot for yourself:

(voir l'écran publicitaire ci-dessus)

In the spot, which ran over the weekend on a Fox affiliate in central Florida, Fanelli stands between a middle-aged white man and a younger, swarthy fellow. "Does this look like a terrorist?" he asks, gesturing towards the white man. Then, pointing to the darker dude, he adds: "Or this?"

"It's time to stop this political correctness in the invasion of our privacy," Fanelli says, an apparent call for racial profiling in the searching of those deemed to be potential terrorists.

In an interview, I asked Fanelli if the message of the spot was that darker people are more likely to be terrorists.
He said it wasn't, claiming that the ad's point was that people from countries like Iran, Iraq, Saudi Arabia, Pakistan and Syria "require a higher level of security."

"You can be light and from those countries," he said, adding that the actor who played the terrorist in the commercial agreed with him.

Fanelli, who said he had piloted a flight bound for Washington on Sept. 11, when the city was attacked, added that Middle Easterners should want profiling for their own safety.

"If the people that were doing this kind of thing looked like me, even though I'm not the guy doing the terrorist thing I would want to be examined more closely," he said, vowing that he harbored no animosity towards Islam and that in Congress he would represent all religions.

Fanelli is one of a half-dozen Republicans running to take on Grayson. So it's unclear if he'll ever ascend to Congress. But this ad deserves to be entered as an exhibit in the larger argument over the Arizona law, terrorism, and racial profiling.

La réalité du terrorisme islamique

Une attaque terroriste qui a frappé de stupeur le monde entier. Ce scénario peut se répéter à Paris, à Londres ou à New York, partout où l'on trouve des noyaux importants de populations musulmanes avec des secteurs radicaux.

Le quotidien populaire britannique Daily Mail publie ce matin une enquête dévoilant le contenu des écoutes faites aux terroristes musulmans ayant attaqué Bombay voici quelques mois en causant près de deux cents morts, dont de nombreuses personnes téues de sang froid.

A l'heure où Barack Hussein Obama en appelle au dialogue des civilisations avec l'islam, il n'est pas inintéressant de lire les dialogues entre les assassins et leurs donneur d'ordre.

Un article qui fait froid dans le dos.

Revealed: The chilling words of the Mumbai killers recorded during their murder spree This is Mohammed Ajmal Amir Kasab, caught on film as he unleashed a devastating and indiscriminate attack in Mumbai that left 166 people dead. But this picture is not the most dramatic record of that day. During the raid, the Indian intelligence services intercepted mobile phone calls between Kasab, his terrorist comrades and a mysterious handler hundreds of miles away, who issued commands to shoot civilians without mercy. These shocking tapes reveal the sinister mind control used to turn young men into killing machines - and the casual, off-hand brutality of the men who masterminded the massacre


'Do you want them to keep the hostages or kill them?' asks Brother Wasi of someone else in the control room.
The person replies with a casual grunt, barely audible through the background babble of the news channels playing on a nearby television.
At the other end of the line, 500 miles away, Akasha, a 25-year-old Pakistani, is squatting on the floor inside a besieged building in the centre of Mumbai with a murdered rabbi's mobile phone in one hand and a Kalashnikov in the other.
He knows with complete certainty that this will be his last night on Earth. For his mission to be a success, he must be killed.
The two women hostages are on a bed nearby, trussed up and blindfolded. Another gunman, Umer, is dozing.
Now Wasi comes back on the phone. His manner is warm and paternal - the kind of calm, commanding voice you instinctively trust.
Wasi: 'Listen up...'
Akasha: 'Yes sir.'
Akasha speaks in a gentle, dopey murmur. He sounds exhausted.
Wasi: 'Just shoot them now. Get rid of them. Because you could come under fire at any time and you'll only end up leaving them behind.'
Akasha: 'Everything's quiet here for now.'
Wasi: 'Shoot them in the back of the head.'
Akasha: 'Sure. Just as soon as we come under fire.'
Wasi: 'No. Don't wait any longer. You never know when you might come under attack.'
Akasha: 'Insh'Allah' (God willing).
Wasi: 'I'll stay on the line.'
There's silence for 15 seconds. No gunshots.
Akasha: 'Hello?'
Wasi: 'Do it. Do it. I'm listening. Do it.'
Akasha: 'What, shoot them?'
Wasi: 'Yes, do it. Sit them up and shoot them in the back of the head.'
Akasha: 'Umer is asleep. He hasn't been feeling too well.'
Wasi consults his associates in the control room, then comes back on the line.
Wasi: 'I'll call you back in half an hour. You can do it then.'


This conversation, remarkable for its off-hand cruelty, was intercepted by India's intelligence agencies at 8.40pm on Thursday, November 27 last year, two days into the three-day terrorist attack on Mumbai.
I first became aware of these wiretaps in January, when the Indian government released a dossier of evidence about the massacre. The dossier pointed an accusatory finger at Pakistan and included a few paragraphs of transcribed wiretaps as evidence.
At the time the thought of getting hold of the audio recordings themselves seemed fanciful. This was classified material, perhaps some of the most important wiretaps ever recorded by the Indian secret services.
Yet one morning four months later I returned to my hotel room in Mumbai looking over my shoulder and clutching an almost complete set of recordings. Soon the long-dead voices were playing through my headphones.


Despite the difficulties we had in obtaining the tapes, I immediately questioned whether they were genuine, as it's well known that the Indian government was keen to pin blame for the attack on Pakistan. I recognised in the recordings the voices of people I'd spoken to at length - a surviving hostage and an interpreter.
I also came across telephone interviews the terrorists had made with TV stations, which had been aired live during the seige, and the preceding off-air discussions with presenters and studio staff. This, combined with the sheer volume and complexity of the recordings - which include firefights, conversations with hostages, and hours of banal discussion about the practicalities of the terrorist operation, convinced me that the recordings were absolutely authentic.
Akasha and Umer had been under siege for nearly 24 hours on the upper floors of Nariman House, a Jewish study centre run by the orthodox Chabad-Lubavitch organisation in New York. The bodies of rabbi Gavriel Holzberg, who ran the centre, and his pregnant wife Rivka lay downstairs, next to those of two visiting Israeli rabbis. The hostages whose fate was being so casually discussed over the phone were an Israeli and a Mexican.
No one knows the true identity of the man known as Wasi - the puppetmaster. He is heard deferring to more senior figures in the control room, but it was he who cajoled, reassured and inspired the young gunmen forward minute by minute until they were killed. He is presumed to be a senior officer of Lashkar-e-Taiba ('Army Of The Righteous'), a militant group now considered to be a global threat on a par with Al-Qaeda.
When Wasi calls Akasha back at 9.20pm, his chief concern is ricochets. He reminds his neighbours in the control room that Ali, Soheb and Fahadullah - half the members of a six-man squad who've seized two hotels - have already been hit by their own bullets while executing hostages. He has a tip for Akasha.
Wasi: 'Stand the women up in a doorway so that when the bullet goes through their heads it then goes outside, instead of ricocheting back into your room.'
Akasha: 'OK.'
Wasi: 'Do one of them now, in the name of God. You've tied them up, right?'
Akasha: 'Yeah. I'll untie their feet.'
Wasi: 'Just stand them up. If they're tied up, leave them tied up.'
Akasha then raises another objection. He doesn't want to kill the two women in the room where he and Umer are sitting.
Wasi: 'It'll only take two shots. Do it in the room where you are now.'
Akasha: 'All right, yes.'
Wasi: 'Do it. Shoot them and shove them over to one side of the room.'
Akasha shuffles off somewhere but leaves the line open. Wasi holds the line for a full seven minutes. He calls Akasha's name a few times, then hangs up. In the next call, ten minutes later, Akasha seems more upbeat.
Akasha: 'Please don't be angry. I've rejigged things a bit and now...'
Wasi: 'Have you done the job yet or not?'
Akasha: 'We were just waiting for you to call back, so we could do it while you're on the phone.'
Wasi: 'Do it, in God's name.'
Akasha: 'Just a sec... hold the line...'
Akasha places the phone in his pocket. There is a lot of rustling (presumably Akasha crawling over to the hostages) followed by silence. Then a loud burst of gunfire. And then silence. More rustling, then Akasha is back. His voice has changed markedly. It's now a deep, eerie rasp.
Wasi: 'That was one of them, right?'
Akasha: 'Both.'


At 9pm on Wednesday, November 26 last year, ten gunmen arrived in Mumbai by boat, having sailed from Pakistan in a hijacked Indian trawler. As they came close to the city they switched into a dinghy and landed on a small beach close to the middle of south Mumbai, the wealthy downtown area, home to the city's tourist hotels, banks and government offices.
The gunmen split into pairs and headed for their targets. All of them carried heavy backpacks and were dressed in western-style clothes.
The first pair of gunmen stopped at the Leopold Cafe, a popular hangout for Western tourists. They chatted outside for a while, then embraced. They were still smiling as they tossed hand grenades and mowed down everyone in the cafe.

At the same time down the road at the Taj Palace and Tower, Mumbai's grandest hotel, the CCTV footage shows two backpackers strolling casually into the lobby. Each of them is weighed down with 8kg of high explosives, a Kalashnikov, a pistol, eight hand grenades, hundreds of bullets and enough dried fruit and nuts to last a couple of days.
After rubbing shoulders with the well-heeled guests for a few minutes, they go to work, gunning down guests and staff in the hotel hallways, before linking up with the gunmen from the Leopold Cafe, who had smashed their way in through a hotel side door.
By 1am on Thursday, the Indian intelligence services had locked on to the terrorists' mobile phones. The first few traces led them to VOIP internet numbers used by the handlers in Pakistan, which can't be traced in the same way a mobile or landline can.
From this point on, the Indian police listened in to the hours of conversation between the gunmen and their handlers. The recordings provide a picture of total control. The gunmen were not battle-hardened mujahideen fighters but vulnerable youngsters, groomed over a period of months to foster obedience and a lust for death, which the controllers were able continuously to reinforce by mobile phone calls.
The gunmen at the Taj, young Pakistanis from villages in the Punjab, had never set foot in a modern hotel before, let alone the vast suites on the upper floors of the Taj. By 1.04am on the Thursday, police had recorded their very first intercept...
Ali: 'There are so many lights, so many buttons... and lots of computers with 22in and 30in screens.'
Wasi: 'Computers? Haven't you burned them yet?'
Ali: 'We're just doing it. You'll be able to see the fire sometime soon.'
Wasi: 'We'd be able to see the fire if there were any flames. Where are the flames?
Ali: 'The entrance to this room is fantastic. The mirrors are really grand. The doors are massive too.'
Wasi urges him to throw grenades at the police and prepare a bucket of water and towels to use against tear gas. But the gunman keeps talking about the hotel.
Ali: 'It's fabulous. The windows are huge, but it feels very safe. There's a double kitchen at the front, a bathroom and a small shop. And mirrors everywhere.'
About 20 minutes later Wasi is concerned the gunmen have still not taken proper control of the hotel. He calls to ask what they have done and speaks to Ali.
Wasi: 'We told you to find an axe, did you not find one?'
Ali: 'No, we couldn't find an axe.'
Wasi: My brother, there will be an axe hanging next to each fire extinguisher in the hotel. On every floor in every corridor. Now you must start the fire. Nothing will happen until you start the fire. When people see the flames, it will cause fear outside.'
Ali: 'OK, we'll start the fire. The other brothers are nearly here now.'
Wasi: 'Throw grenades my brother. There's no harm in throwing a few grenades.'
Thirty minutes later the gunmen confirm that they have got the hotel under control.
Ali: 'They're massive rooms. Some of them are amazing. We burned some and cleared a few more.'
Wasi: 'Did you start a fire in the ones you cleared out?'
Ali: 'No, they're right next to each other. We'll set the fire on our way out. We don't want the fire to spread too quickly in case we can't get out.'
Wasi: 'No, burn everything as you go along. The bigger the fire, the more pressure you will bring to bear. We're watching it on TV. If you start the fire it will put pressure on the security forces. They won't come up.'
Ali: 'Listen. We don't even walk around our own houses as freely as we do here. We own the third, fourth and fifth floors, thanks be to God.'

While the Taj came under attack, a mile away a third pair of gunmen ran into the lobby of the Oberoi Trident, another famous five-star hotel, slaughtering diners in the restaurants and herding hostages towards the upper floors. A few minutes later a taxi pulled up outside Mumbai's main railway station, Victoria Terminus.
The car contained two more gunmen: Mohammed Ajmal Amir Kasab and Ismail Khan. They slaughtered 52 people before melting into the backstreets, murdering as they went.
Then, as they sped o in a hijacked Skoda, Mumbai police got their first break. Kasab and Ismail drove straight into a police road block. Ismail was shot dead but 20-year-old Kasab survived thanks to the heroism of Assistant Sub Inspector Tukaram Omble, 48.
He grabbed the barrel of Kasab's Kalashnikov and hung on to it as bullets tore into his chest. The manoeuvre, which cost Omble his life, bought the other policemen at the road block enough time to jump on Kasab and take him prisoner. It was a Lashkar gunman's worst nightmare: being taken alive (see box, previous page).
It caused concern among the controllers. The gunmen were supposed to die. To ensure no others were taken alive, the controllers started to impress on the gunmen the importance of dying. First, Wasi spoke to Fahadullah at the Oberoi hotel, who was sitting with his partner Abdul Rehman in a room on the 18th floor, watching the news coverage on TV. The intercept is timed at shortly after 1pm on Thursday.
Wasi: 'The manner of your death will instill fear in the unbelievers. This is a battle between Islam and the unbelievers. Keep looking for a place to die. Keep moving.'
Fahadullah: 'Insh'Allah.'
Wasi: 'You're very close to heaven now. One way or another we've all got to go there. You will be remembered for what you've done here. Fight till the end. Stretch it out as long as possible.'
In the evening, Fahadullah and his partner, at Wasi's insistence, leave the room and are ambushed by Indian commandos. The next intercept is timed at 8.13pm. The whooshing sound of the hotel fire sprinklers can be heard.
Wasi: 'How are you my brother?'
Fahadullah (sounds weak): 'Praise God. Brother Abdul Rehman has passed away.
Wasi: 'Really? Is he near you?'
Fahadullah: 'Yeah, he's near me.
Wasi: 'May God accept his martyrdom.'
Fahadullah: 'The room is on fire, it's being shown on the TV. I'm sitting in the bathroom.'
Next time Wasi calls, he urges Fahadullah to go out and fight.
Wasi: 'Don't let them arrest you. Don't let them knock you out with a stun grenade. That would be very damaging. Fire one of your magazines, then grab the other one and move out. The success of your mission depends on your getting shot.'
Fahadullah: 'Yes, I know.'
Wasi: 'God is waiting for you. Stay on the line and keep the phone in your pocket. We like to know what's going on.'

These are the last words Wasi says to Fahadullah, who left the room and was eventually killed at dawn on Friday, just before Indian commandos staged a show of force with a helicopter landing on the roof of Nariman House.
There, too, Wasi had been trying to persuade Akasha to run outside and be shot dead.
Wasi: 'A stronghold can only last for as long as you can handle it. And now we're crossing that limit. What do you think?'
Akasha: 'Please God.'
Wasi: 'It's Friday today, so it's a good day to finish it.' Once the helicopter lands on the roof, Akasha and Umer suddenly find themselves under fire.
Wasi: 'Put the phone in your pocket and fire back.'
Two hours later, at 8.47am on Friday, Wasi finally gets the news he's been waiting for.
Akasha: 'I've been shot.'
Wasi: 'Sorry?'
Akasha: 'Pray for me.'
Wasi: 'Oh God. Where have you been hit?'
Akasha: 'My arm. And one in my leg.'
Wasi: 'May God protect you. Did you hit any of theirs?'
Akasha: 'Yeah, we shot a commando. Pray that God will accept my martyrdom.'
Wasi: 'Praise God, praise God.'
Akasha: 'Bye.'

By Saturday morning, 60 hours after the first shots at the Leopold Cafe, the operation was over and nine gunmen lay dead. Only Kasab survived - he is currently on trial and faces the death penalty if found guilty. Across Mumbai 166 victims lay dead and 308 injured.
Lashkar-e-Taiba remains one of the most active terrorist organisations in South Asia. It has tens of thousands of recruits. The Pakistani government has yet to find its leaders and put them on trial. It is only a matter of time before the Lashkar handlers get back in their chairs at the control room.
There's a passage in the phone transcripts that is grimly prophetic. At Nariman House, Akasha was being briefed by his handler for an interview he was to give over the phone to an Indian TV channel.
'Give the government an ultimatum,' says a handler named Jindul, who was clearly the media consultant in the control room.
'Tell them that this is just the trailer. Just wait till you see the rest of the movie.'
Akasha takes notes for his interview.
'Let the government know...' he mutters as he writes, 'this is just the trailer.' But he doesn't seem to understand. Jindul explains impatiently:
'It's a small example. A preview.' Akasha eventually gets the metaphor: 'The rest of the film remains to be seen. Should I write that?'
'Tell them this is a small drop,' says Jindul, warming to his theme.
'Let them sit and watch what we do next.'
Dan Reed's 'Dispatches Special' on the terror attacks in Mumbai is on Channel 4, Tuesday at 9pm

THE POLICE INTERROGATION

Mohammed Ajmal Amir Kasab was the only terrorist to survive the Mumba iattack. His shocking confession to police reveals what drove him to commit mass murder
During my investigation into the attacks I also obtained the video of Mohammed Ajmal Amir Kasab's confession. It's another remarkable piece of evidence, taken just after 1am on Thursday November 27. Three hours previously, the 21-year-old on the hospital bed was gunning down women and children.
As Kasab begins to speak, it's hard to see the mass murderer in him. There's no sign of the fanatic, the zealot. He curses his Pakistani handlers, calling them 'dogs' and immediately blames his father, and the Lashkar-e-Taiba 'uncles'.

Kasab talks to the police in the Nair Hospital, Mumbai, after his capture
Kasab: 'He made me do it,' he moans.
Police interrogator: 'Who made you?'
Kasab: 'Uncle.'
Interrogator: 'Which Uncle?'
Kasab: 'The one from Lashkar. They told me you'd beat me up, so before you do that I'm telling you the truth.'
Interrogator: 'What's your gang called?'
Kasab seems not to understand. Some of the other officers present chime in: 'Your organisation, your gang, your team?'
Kasab: 'Oh... It's Lashkar-e-Taiba.'
When asked about the massacre at the railway station, Kasab is equally direct.
Kasab: 'They told us we had to do this job.'
Interrogator: 'What do you mean by job?'
Kasab: 'I was supposed to kill people.'
Interrogator: 'Which people?'
Kasab: 'Whoever was there.'
Interrogator: 'What kind of people did they tell you to kill?'
Kasab: 'Just ordinary people, no one in particular.' Next, the policeman tries to figure out the terrorists' exit strategy.
Interrogator: 'After completing your job today, where were you going to go?'
Kasab: 'We were all going to die.'
Interrogator: 'How's that?'
Kasab: 'He told us we'd be going to heaven.'
Interrogator: 'How many people did you kill?'
Kasab: 'I don't know.'
Interrogator: 'OK, how many rounds did you fire?'
Kasab: 'Er... dunno. Two-and-a-half magazines.'
Interrogator: 'And how many people did you kill?'
Kasab: 'I don't know. I just kept firing and firing.'
Interrogator: 'And this job. What time was it supposed to finish?'
Kasab: 'They said as long as you're alive, keep killing, keep killing, the dogs.'
Kasab then starts to weep - or pretends to. It's hard to tell from the recording.
Kasab: 'I mean, those were human beings, man...'
Later, the policeman asks Kasab whether he had ever questioned his handler's instructions.
Kasab: 'I did ask... but he said, "These things have to be done if you're going to be a big man and get rewards." So I asked him if he'd done these things too, and he said yes, he had. So then I thought, well if he has done it, then I should do it too.'
Kasab recounts to the policeman his father's words when he took him to the Lashkar office.
Kasab: 'Look son, these people have a good life, they eat well, now you can too. These people earn lots of money and so will you. Then we won't be poor any more.'
Interrogator: 'Your father said that?'
Kasab: 'Yes, so I said, "All right then, fine, whatever."'
Somehow Kasab seems too quickthinking, too much of a live wire, to agree to die in order to earn his father a couple of thousand dollars. Yet the fact is, as he freely admits, and as we know from the phone intercepts, the Mumbai gunmen were ordered deliberately to go to their deaths. There was to be no other possible reward than heaven.
At one point during the interview, Kasab describes how the recruits are filtered down into a small group.
'The proper training - the one where they say, "Now this boy is ready to go" - that takes three months,' he says. 'After that, he's ready. He waits. Then they get him ready and say to him, "Off you go and die."'
Rakesh Maria, Mumbai's legendary police investigator, questioned Kasab later that day. Kasab told Maria that his handlers had seen how, once a fighter was martyred, his face would glow like the moon and a smell of roses would emanate from his dead body.
So once he had squeezed every drop of information out of him, Maria had Kasab taken to the morgue, where he was shown the bodies of his nine associates, charred by fire and mangled by bullets.
Kasab, says Maria, broke down and wept.

Tous terroristes ?

Dans un continent où il est interdit de discriminer et ou la dictature de la pensée conforme se fait de plus en plus pesant, il est inévitable que le système considère chaque citoyen comme un terroriste potentiel.

Cette courte vidéo est très éclairante sur l'avenir qui nous attend.

Repérer les criminels et les terroristes

Récemment, Frédéric Lefebvre, porte-parole de la majorité, s'est fait remarquer quand Jean-Pierre Elkabbach lui a demandé sur Europe 1 si la proposition d'abaisser la responsabilité pénale de 13 à 12 ans n'est pas trop tôt, Lefebvre répond:

Je ne pense pas. En 1945 un mineur sur 166 était mis en cause dans une affaire pénale, aujourd'hui c'est un sur trente, il faut réagir

Frédéric Lefebvre aimerait même aller plus loin :

Moi je souhaite qu'on aille même sans doute un peu plus loin (…) la question de la détection précoce des comportements. Cela a été dans beaucoup de rapports. On dit qu'il faut le faire dès l'âge de trois ans pour être efficace".

Je ne suis pas un spécialiste, donc je ne déterminerai pas à quel âge il faut le faire, mais quand vous détectez chez un enfant très jeune, à la garderie, qu'il a un comportement violent, c'est le servir, c'est lui être utile à lui que de mettre en place une politique de prévention tout de suite.

Si on veut éviter d'avoir à appliquer le pénal très tôt, il faut essayer de faire de la prévention, il faut accompagner ces enfants dont on voit qu'ils sont en train de partir sur un mauvais chemin.

Sur le fond, le député a raison. Il est possible de repérer très tôt un comportement social déviant, notamment la tendance à privilégier la violence et le non respect des règles.

Heureusement, à cet âge, un comportement plus agressif chez un enfant n'est pas forcément révélateur d'un futur comportement criminel mais l'indicateur d'une personnalité au-dessus de la norme qui peut suivre un cours atypique mais parfaitement normal, par exemple exceller dans les sports de combat.

En revanche, voici trente ans, le juge d'instruction  français Max Fontaine avait réalisé des études statistiques révélant que la majorité des crimes et délits sont commis par une petite minorité de multirécidivistes, ces derniers étant identifiables avant leur majorité. 

S'il faut en croire ce magistrat aujourd'hui oublié, les comportements déviants se révèlent à la pré-adolescence et se confirment à l'adolescence. La quasi-totalité des multirécidivistes qu'il avait identifiés avaient commencé leur carrière à partir de 14 ans. A leur majorité, ils étaient déjà multirécidivistes et n'arrêteraient leurs activités criminelles qu'après 65 ans.

A cette époque, le juge en avait conclu qu'il fallait condamner à de très longues peines les personnes identifiées comme multirécidivistes car rien ne les ferait changer de comportement quitte à les sortir de la prison une fois vieux pour les transférer dans une maison de retraite.

Les idées peu orthodoxes de ce magistrat avaient alors soulevé l'indignation de la gauche bien pensante qui ne supporte pas l'idée d'un déterminisme biologique chez l'homme. Les utopies bien ancrées expliquaient que l'homme est bon par essence et qu'il n'est corrompu que par la société bourgeoise.

Libérer l'homme du capitalisme et tous les criminels redeviendront des citoyens exemplaires.

Aujourd'hui, toutes ces utopies de gauche ont pris du plomb dans l'aile et ce qui explique qu'une criminologie plus proche des faits puisse à nouveau se faire entendre.

Aujourd'hui, dans les colonnes de l'Independent, Mark Hughes nous apprend que les Britanniques poussent le principe de la détection précode à un nouveau stade : celui du repérage des futurs terroristes parmi les écoliers.

Police identify 200 children as potential terrorists

Drastic new tactics to prevent school pupils as young as 13 falling into extremism

Two hundred schoolchildren in Britain, some as young as 13, have been identified as potential terrorists by a police scheme that aims to spot youngsters who are "vulnerable" to Islamic radicalisation.

He said the "Channel project" had intervened in the cases of at least 200 children who were thought to be at risk of extremism, since it began 18 months ago. The number has leapt from 10 children identified by June 2008.

The programme, run by the Association of Chief Police Officers, asks teachers, parents and other community figures to be vigilant for signs that may indicate an attraction to extreme views or susceptibility to being "groomed" by radicalisers. Sir Norman, whose force covers the area in which all four 7 July 2005 bombers grew up, said: "What will often manifest itself is what might be regarded as racism and the adoption of bad attitudes towards 'the West'.

"One of the four bombers of 7 July was, on the face of it, a model student. He had never been in trouble with the police, was the son of a well-established family and was employed and integrated into society.

"But when we went back to his teachers they remarked on the things he used to write. In his exercise books he had written comments praising al-Qa'ida. That was not seen at the time as being substantive. Now we would hope that teachers might intervene, speak to the child's family or perhaps the local imam who could then speak to the young man."

The Channel project was originally piloted in Lancashire and the Metropolitan Police borough of Lambeth in 2007, but in February last year it was extended to West Yorkshire, the Midlands, Bedfordshire and South Wales. Due to its success there are now plans to roll it out to the rest of London, Thames Valley, South Yorkshire, Greater Manchester, Leicestershire, Nottinghamshire, and West Sussex.

The scheme, funded by the Home Office, involves officers working alongside Muslim communities to identify impressionable children who are at risk of radicalisation or who have shown an interest in extremist material – on the internet or in books.

Once identified the children are subject to a "programme of intervention tailored to the needs of the individual". Sir Norman said this could involve discussions with family, outreach workers or the local imam, but he added that "a handful have had intervention directly by the police".

He stressed that the system was not being used to target the Muslim community. "The whole ethos is to build a relationship, on the basis of trust and confidence, with those communities," said Sir Norman.

"With the help of these communities we can identify the kids who are vulnerable to the message and influenced by the message. The challenge is to intervene and offer guidance, not necessarily to prosecute them, but to address their grievance, their growing sense of hate and potential to do something violent in the name of some misinterpretation of a faith.

"We are targeting criminals and would-be terrorists who happen to be cloaking themselves in Islamic rhetoric. That is not the same as targeting the Muslim community."

Nor was it criminalising children, he added. "The analogy I use is that it is similar to our well-established drugs intervention programmes. Teachers in schools are trained to identify pupils who might be experimenting with drugs, take them to one side and talk to them. That does not automatically mean that these kids are going to become crack cocaine or heroin addicts. The same is true around this issue."

But Inayat Bunglawala of the Muslim Council of Britain said the police ran the risk of infringing on children's privacy. He warned: "There is a difference between the police being concerned or believing a person may be at risk of recruitment and a person actually engaging in unlawful, terrorist activity.

"That said, clearly in recent years some people have been lured by terrorist propaganda emanating from al-Qa'ida-inspired groups. It would seem that a number of Muslim youngsters have been seduced by that narrative and all of us, including the Government, have a role to play in making sure that narrative is seen for what it is: a nihilistic one which offers no hope, only death and destruction."

A Home Office spokesman said: "We are committed to stopping people becoming or supporting terrorists or violent extremists. The aim of the Channel project is to directly support vulnerable people by providing supportive interventions when families, communities and networks raise concerns about their behaviour."

Les mythes dangereux de l'Al-Andalus

Une nostalgique de l'Al-Andalus.

Il existe peu de mythes, pour ne pas dire bourrage de crâne ou escroquerie intellectuelle, plus insupportable que celle d'un Al-Andalus modèle de coexistence pacifique entre les trois principales religions monothéistes, le christianisme, le judaïsme et l'islam.

Heureusement, les universitaires comme Jacques Heers osent braver les interdits de l'historiquement correct et mettent noir sur blanc ce que fut cette période noire de l'histoire : une dictature islamiste.

Dernier ouvrage en date, celui de l'universitaire Rosa María Rodríguez Magda, Inexistente Al-Ándalus. De cómo los intelectuales reinventan el Islam («l'Inexistant Al-Andalus, ou comment les intellectuels réinventent l'islam »). Dans son édition de ce matin, le quotidien la Razon publie une intéressante recension sous la plume de Laura Seone.

«No hubo convivencia en Al-Andalus»
La catedrática de Filosofía y consejera del Consejo Valenciano de Cultura, Rosa María Rodríguez Magda analiza en el ensayo «Inexistente Al Ándalus. De cómo los intelectuales reinventan el Islam», algunos de los tópicos de esta cultura, sobre todo de la convivencia, que prevalecen sobre esta civilización cuando se habla de ella. Esta reflexión, plasmada en el citado libro, le ha valido el reconocimiento del Premio de Ensayo Jovellanos.

-Titula el libro «Inexistente Al Ándalus», ¿es que no existió? -Me llama mucho la atención la reaparición ahora de este concepto. Por supuesto que existió Al Ándalus, pero no como nos la quieren mostrar algunos expertos. Aparece completamente idealizada, como un momento histórico de convivencia feliz entre las civilizaciones cristiana, judía y musulmana, cuando la realidad no era así. Había muchísimos conflictos y los habitantes de la Península mostraron una fuerte resistencia a la ocupación. En esta época de «alianza de civilizaciones» incluso parece que es un modelo a seguir, lo cual es muy peligroso porque nunca existió una verdadera convivencia.

Reinterpretaciones
-¿Qué otras mentiras históricas rodean la ocupación musulmana? -Las reinterpretaciones que se está haciendo de la Reconquista española, que se percibe como una leyenda negra de la historia. En los libros de texto se está comenzando a suprimir este término porque se considera «políticamente incorrecto», ya que se quiere hacer ver que la ocupación musulmana fue, por parte de judíos y cristianos, una recepción jubilosa. En su lugar, se habla de «transformaciones de Al Ándalus».
-Los conflictos derivados del choque entre culturas en el mundo actual, ¿se deben una oposición religiosa? -Mi respeto por la religión es total; de hecho, es un ámbito del que no me he ocupado en este libro. Pero, en ocasiones, el Islam interfiere demasiado en temas sociales, una separación que para Occidente siempre ha supuesto un principio básico. Las civilizaciones no son todas iguales, pero si hay que entenderse, debe ser según la Declaración de Derechos Humanos. No se es menos tolerante por discutir estas interferencias, se es simplemente más racional.
-¿Cómo debería afrontar Europa la coexistencia de distintas civilizaciones? -Europa debería reflexionar sobre la idea que tiene de sí misma, lo que la ayudaría a adquirir identidad, fuerza y visibilidad. Personalmente apuesto, además, por un diálogo intercultural, pero sin idealizaciones históricas ni tampoco autoinculpaciones.
-El terrorismo islámico es un tema que preocupa a la sociedad. ¿Hay una interpretación correcta de este problema? -La mayor parte de los intelectuales occidentales más prestigiosos, como Habermas, Derrida y Baudrillard, incidían, tras el atentado de las Torres Gemelas, en que la violencia que habíamos generado desde Occidente se había vuelto contra nosotros. Ésta es la versión de los islamistas radicales, el emblema de la Yihad, y, en cierta manera, justifica los actos terroristas. El terrorismo es una barbarie que se ejerce de una manera muy destacada sobre los propios musulmanes, como ocurre ahora en Irak. Pero no debemos sentirnos culpables, porque eso nos sitúa en una posición inferior. Los musulmanes están muy orgullosos de su historia y de su religión y eso está bien. Pero nosotros, no, ya que existe la sensación falsa de que debemos solucionar el problema del Tercer Mundo porque tenemos una deuda con ellos.

Rosa Maria Rodriguez Magda avait publié un précédent ouvrage aux éditions Altera consacré à l'Espagne convertie à l'islam. Voici un entretien qu'elle avait donné alors.